IPOH, Malaysia — PAS has spent years building its political machinery in Perak. Now, as Malaysia heads towards its next general election, that grassroots network is turning the state into one of the country’s most closely watched political battlegrounds.
The rise did not happen overnight.
For roughly two decades, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) has worked to establish a presence at the community level, maintaining relationships with voters through religious gatherings, constituency programmes, welfare activities and local political organisation.
The result is a political network that operates well beyond election season.
In northern Perak, for example, PAS leaders have used small usrah — informal religious and discussion gatherings — to keep supporters engaged while also discussing current affairs and issues affecting their communities.
The approach is less about headline-grabbing rallies and more about maintaining a permanent presence on the ground.
And that could matter enormously when Perak voters next go to the polls.
PAS’ long game is beginning to pay off
The 2022 general election marked a major shift in Perak’s political landscape.
PAS won four of Perak’s 24 parliamentary seats and 17 of the state’s 59 assembly seats, overtaking UMNO as the state’s dominant Malay political force by electoral representation.
But there was an important distinction: PAS did not win control of the Perak government.
The post-election numbers produced a fragmented assembly, with Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan eventually forming the state administration while Perikatan Nasional remained a major opposition bloc.
That makes the next election particularly significant.
PAS now has an established electoral base to defend and potentially expand — but it still has to convert that strength into enough seats to govern.
The PAS-UMNO equation could change everything
The biggest uncertainty may not be PAS’ grassroots strength itself, but what happens between PAS and UMNO.
For years, the two parties have competed for Malay voters. Their relationship has nevertheless become increasingly complicated as political alliances have shifted following the 2022 election.
PAS has continued to advocate greater cooperation among Malay-Muslim political parties, while discussions about possible cooperation with UMNO have remained an important part of Malaysia’s political conversation.
If PAS and UMNO eventually coordinate their contests in Perak, the electoral mathematics could change significantly.
A coordinated strategy could reduce three-cornered fights and prevent competing Malay-based parties from dividing their support.
But cooperation comes with its own problem: who contests which seats?
That question could become one of the most difficult negotiations if the two parties seriously pursue closer cooperation.
And the answer could determine whether PAS expands its influence — or whether UMNO manages to preserve territory it has traditionally regarded as its own.
Perak is not simply a Malay-vote contest
There is another complication.
Perak’s electorate is ethnically diverse, meaning PAS cannot rely exclusively on its strongest Malay-Muslim support base if it wants to make a decisive breakthrough across the state.
Winning additional constituencies will require parties to compete for support among Chinese, Indian and other communities as well.
That is one reason PAS’ efforts to expand community engagement beyond its traditional voter base deserve attention.
But visibility is not the same as electoral support.
Whether PAS can turn community outreach into votes outside its core support remains an open question.
PH faces a different battle
For Pakatan Harapan, the challenge is almost the reverse.
PH must defend its existing support while rebuilding its appeal among Malay voters in areas where PAS has strengthened its organisation.
Amanah, which competes for much of the Malay-Muslim electorate within the PH coalition, has a particularly difficult task: it must challenge PAS on the ground while maintaining PH’s broader multiracial appeal.
That makes constituency-level organisation increasingly important.
In a close election, the winner may not simply be the party with the biggest national campaign.
It may be the party with the strongest local network, the most effective candidates and the ability to bring supporters to the polls.
Ayer Kuning shows why PAS cannot take victory for granted
PAS’ growing influence should not be confused with guaranteed electoral victory.
The 2025 Ayer Kuning state by-election provided an important reminder.
Barisan Nasional’s Mohamad Yusri Bakir retained the seat with 11,065 votes, defeating Perikatan Nasional’s PAS candidate Abdul Muhaimin Malek, who received 6,059 votes. Parti Sosialis Malaysia’s Bawani Kaniapan received 1,106 votes.
BN therefore won by 5,006 votes.
The result was significant because PAS had made gains among Malay voters, yet BN was still able to secure the constituency with a substantially larger majority than in the 2022 state election.
Political analyst Bridget Welsh described the result as producing lessons for all sides, noting that PAS/PN maintained its Malay support while UMNO’s victory depended heavily on support from non-Malay voters.
In other words, Ayer Kuning demonstrated the complexity of Perak’s electoral map.
PAS can be strong among Malay voters and still lose a constituency.
UMNO can retain a seat while facing questions about its longer-term support.
And non-Malay voters can become decisive when contests are closely fought.
Why the next Perak election could be different
The political environment today is not the same as it was in 2022.
PAS has continued building its organisation.
UMNO is trying to remain relevant within a changing Malay political landscape.
PH faces the challenge of maintaining the unity government’s support while rebuilding its position among voters who moved towards PN.
Meanwhile, the future relationship between PAS, Bersatu and UMNO could alter the number of seats each bloc contests — potentially changing the entire electoral calculation before a single vote is cast.
Recent analysis has also pointed to internal challenges for PN in Perak, suggesting that PAS’ strength alone does not automatically translate into a unified opposition strategy.
The real battle is happening before election day
The most important development in Perak may therefore be taking place away from the campaign stage.
It is happening in neighbourhoods, religious gatherings, community programmes and constituency offices.
PAS has spent years building that infrastructure.
Now the question is whether its grassroots investment can deliver the parliamentary and state seats required to translate influence into power.
For UMNO, the calculation is equally difficult: cooperate with PAS and potentially strengthen the Malay vote, or compete against a party that has already overtaken it in several parts of the state.
For PH, the challenge is to prevent PAS from turning its organisational advantage into a wider electoral breakthrough.
And for voters, the choices could become much clearer — and much more consequential — once the parties reveal who will contest where.
PAS has built the ground game. UMNO still has electoral machinery. PH is trying to rebuild its position.
But one question could decide the next chapter of Perak politics:
Will PAS fight for the state on its own — or will a PAS-UMNO understanding completely redraw the electoral map?
For now, Perak remains firmly in play.
WWC ONE MEDIA G.A
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